
AP Photo/Andrew Harnik
President Joe Biden listens during a meeting with the President's Council of Advisors on Science and Technology at the Eisenhower Executive Office Building on the White House Campus, Thursday, Jan. 20, 2022.
WASHINGTON (AP) — President Joe Biden has launched into his second year in office with a new focus on making fatigued Americans believe they’re better off under his leadership as he embraces a pared-back agenda before the midterm elections.
The persistence of the coronavirus, rising inflation and congressional gridlock have exacted a bitter toll on Biden’s approval rating and threaten a midterm routing for his party, but the president sees no need for a major shift in direction.
Instead, Biden told Democratic National Committee members during a virtual grassroots event Thursday that Democrats broadly have to offer a clearer contrast with Republicans going forward. He said the contrast he hopes to paint is between Democrats’ agenda and the lack thereof from the Republican Party, which he said was “completely controlled by one man, that’s focused on relitigating the past” — a veiled reference to former President Donald Trump and his continued false claims that he won the 2020 election.
“That’s the choice we have to present before voters: Between the plans we have to improve the lives of the American people, and no plan, none at all,” Biden said.
Keep scrolling for a look at Biden’s Year 1, by the numbers
White House aides have also previewed subtler changes to how Biden devotes his time, with a greater emphasis on speaking directly to Americans and less time in the weeds with lawmakers crafting legislation.
“He wants to spend more time out in the country and less time behind closed doors negotiating,” White House press secretary Jen Psaki told reporters Thursday. She said Biden would rely on his aides more to engage in legislative negotiations, aiming to free up more of his own time to travel and sell his policies.
The understated White House response to a parade of bad headlines reflects the administration’s internal confidence that its predicament will lessen in coming months as the omicron variant of COVID-19 recedes and his policies have time to take effect. Administration officials believe they have until the summer to prop up Biden’s approval rating in order to help save as many Democratic congressional seats as possible.
“The public doesn’t want me to be the ‘president senator,'” Biden said in a rare news conference Wednesday. “They want me to be the president and let senators be senators.” Biden acknowledged “there’s a lot of frustration and fatigue in this country” and placed responsibility for that squarely on the pandemic, “the new enemy.”
A video released Thursday by Biden’s inaugural committee to mark the end of his first year in office offered a preview of what’s to come. The ad highlights progress on the economy and against the virus, but acknowledges the work isn’t done.
“It isn’t all the way back, but it’s getting stronger,” narrator Tom Hanks says of the economy. “We may be entering year three of a pandemic none of us wanted or expected, but we’re moving.”
“I can feel the change,” Sandra Lindsay, the New York nurse who was the first person in the U.S. to get an approved COVID-19 vaccine, says in the video.
Getting Americans to recognize that change is a priority for the White House.
The pandemic and its aftermath altered how voters judge Biden’s performance. His $1.9 trillion coronavirus relief package launched the economy toward a fast recovery, but it also drove inflation to a 7% rate that frightened voters. The result is an unusual schism in which voters are financially comfortable yet deeply skeptical about the health of the national economy.
While 64% of Americans described their financial conditions as good, only 35% felt positive about the overall economy, according to a December poll from the AP-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research.
Biden spent part of Thursday meeting with his Infrastructure Implementation Task Force, charged with swiftly turning last year’s bipartisan infrastructure law into shovels in the ground and new jobs created. Billions of dollars have already been allocated, and Biden wants to ensure he gets the credit.
While the White House didn’t immediately announce travel plans for Biden, Vice President Kamala Harris is set to travel to California and Wisconsin this week to spotlight how money from the law is being put to use to combat wildfires and replace lead water pipes.
-
AP file
63.5% vaccination rate. Most Americans got jabbed. Countries with higher vaccination rates: Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Cambodia, Canada, China, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, Norway, Saudi Arabia, South Korea, Switzerland and the United Kingdom.
AP file
63.5% vaccination rate. Most Americans got jabbed. Countries with higher vaccination rates: Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Cambodia, Canada, China, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, Norway, Saudi Arabia, South Korea, Switzerland and the United Kingdom.
-
AP file
3.9% jobless rate. The low unemployment rate is a big highlight of Biden's first year. He inherited a coronavirus-thrashed economy with unemployment at 6.4%. Employers added 6.4 million jobs last year as unemployment dropped well below the 4.6% that the Congressional Budget Office had anticipated in July for the end of 2021.
AP file
3.9% jobless rate. The low unemployment rate is a big highlight of Biden's first year. He inherited a coronavirus-thrashed economy with unemployment at 6.4%. Employers added 6.4 million jobs last year as unemployment dropped well below the 4.6% that the Congressional Budget Office had anticipated in July for the end of 2021.
-
AP file
7% inflation. In running the economy hot, Biden got burned as inflation reached a nearly 40-year high. Higher prices led to disapproval of Biden's economic leadership. Gasoline and groceries cost more, and some notable economists said higher prices were a sign that Biden's relief package was too large.
AP file
7% inflation. In running the economy hot, Biden got burned as inflation reached a nearly 40-year high. Higher prices led to disapproval of Biden's economic leadership. Gasoline and groceries cost more, and some notable economists said higher prices were a sign that Biden's relief package was too large.
-
AP file
$1 trillion. The cost of Biden's bipartisan infrastructure law, which includes $550 billion in new spending. To get an agreement, Biden pulled back from the $2.3 trillion he initially proposed. He separately proposed $1.8 trillion for a package of social and climate initiatives, but that was modified and unable to clear the Senate. So Biden got about one-quarter of the $4 trillion in spending he proposed.
AP file
$1 trillion. The cost of Biden's bipartisan infrastructure law, which includes $550 billion in new spending. To get an agreement, Biden pulled back from the $2.3 trillion he initially proposed. He separately proposed $1.8 trillion for a package of social and climate initiatives, but that was modified and unable to clear the Senate. So Biden got about one-quarter of the $4 trillion in spending he proposed.
-
AP file
13 deaths. The number of U.S. troops who died in a suicide bombing at the gate of Kabul's airport during the U.S. evacuation of more than 124,000 people from Afghanistan. At least 169 Afghans were killed, with the evacuations leaving scores of Americans and tens of thousands of Afghan allies behind. More than 2,460 U.S. service members died in Afghanistan over the course of the two-decade war.
AP file
13 deaths. The number of U.S. troops who died in a suicide bombing at the gate of Kabul's airport during the U.S. evacuation of more than 124,000 people from Afghanistan. At least 169 Afghans were killed, with the evacuations leaving scores of Americans and tens of thousands of Afghan allies behind. More than 2,460 U.S. service members died in Afghanistan over the course of the two-decade war.
-
-
AP file
1.78 million border crossings in the Southwest. Migrants began streaming across the U.S.-Mexico border once Biden became president. There were 1.78 million encounters with border agents during his first 10 full months, a four-fold increase compared with President Donald Trump's last 10 months in office.
AP file
1.78 million border crossings in the Southwest. Migrants began streaming across the U.S.-Mexico border once Biden became president. There were 1.78 million encounters with border agents during his first 10 full months, a four-fold increase compared with President Donald Trump's last 10 months in office.
-
AP file
20 natural disasters. There were 20 extreme weather and climate disasters that each caused damages in excess of $1 billion and killed a combined 688 people. These included a drought, two floods, 11 severe storms, four tropical cyclones, a wildfire and a winter storm. Adjusted for inflation, the U.S. has averaged 7.4 disasters annually since 1980 that caused $1 billion or more in losses.
AP file
20 natural disasters. There were 20 extreme weather and climate disasters that each caused damages in excess of $1 billion and killed a combined 688 people. These included a drought, two floods, 11 severe storms, four tropical cyclones, a wildfire and a winter storm. Adjusted for inflation, the U.S. has averaged 7.4 disasters annually since 1980 that caused $1 billion or more in losses.
-
AP file
24 states. Biden visited nearly half of America's 50 states during his first year. Excluding stops at his homes in Delaware, top destinations were Pennsylvania (seven times) and Michigan (five times). Both were key states in his 2020 election victory. Jill Biden went to 35 states.
AP file
24 states. Biden visited nearly half of America's 50 states during his first year. Excluding stops at his homes in Delaware, top destinations were Pennsylvania (seven times) and Michigan (five times). Both were key states in his 2020 election victory. Jill Biden went to 35 states.
-
AP file
41 federal judges. Biden had 41 judges confirmed to the bench during his first year in office, more than any of his recent predecessors at the same time in their presidencies. Of those, 80% are women, and 53% are people of color, according to the White House.
103 days. It took an average of 103 days for Biden nominees requiring Senate confirmation to be confirmed. That’s longer than the average for nominees in the first years of the previous six administrations and nearly three times longer than during Ronald Reagan’s first year in office, according to an analysis by the Partnership for Public Service’s Center for Presidential Transition.
AP file
41 federal judges. Biden had 41 judges confirmed to the bench during his first year in office, more than any of his recent predecessors at the same time in their presidencies. Of those, 80% are women, and 53% are people of color, according to the White House.
103 days. It took an average of 103 days for Biden nominees requiring Senate confirmation to be confirmed. That’s longer than the average for nominees in the first years of the previous six administrations and nearly three times longer than during Ronald Reagan’s first year in office, according to an analysis by the Partnership for Public Service’s Center for Presidential Transition.
-
AP file
9 news conferences. There will be a 10th on Wednesday. Biden has been remarkably press shy. He held nine news conferences (six solo and three joint) and 22 media interviews during his first year. That’s fewer news conferences than any of his five immediate predecessors at the same point in their presidencies, and fewer media interviews than any of his recent predecessors.
AP file
9 news conferences. There will be a 10th on Wednesday. Biden has been remarkably press shy. He held nine news conferences (six solo and three joint) and 22 media interviews during his first year. That’s fewer news conferences than any of his five immediate predecessors at the same point in their presidencies, and fewer media interviews than any of his recent predecessors.
-
-
AP file
32 “not a joke" references. It's one of Biden's favorite speech lines. Among the things he said were “not a joke”: Civil rights icons, labor unions that built the middle class, air pollution from Delaware chemical plants, climate change as a national security risk, California voters, Biden's disregard of polls on his economic agenda. Seriously.
AP file
32 “not a joke" references. It's one of Biden's favorite speech lines. Among the things he said were “not a joke”: Civil rights icons, labor unions that built the middle class, air pollution from Delaware chemical plants, climate change as a national security risk, California voters, Biden's disregard of polls on his economic agenda. Seriously.
-
Melina Mara/The Washington Post via AP, Pool, File
Biden started his presidency with more than $4 trillion worth of big ideas — his eyes larger than what the Senate could stomach.
$1.9 trillion worth of coronavirus relief passed in March, which in many first years in office would have been considered a signature achievement.
But Biden kept asking for more: an additional $2.3 trillion for infrastructure and jobs, and another $1.8 trillion for families.
After some tortuous negotiations, he got a version of his infrastructure plan passed and even got more than a dozen Republicans in the Senate to vote for it.
But attention spans are short. Biden's $1.8 trillion package, which he labeled “Build Back Better,” had elements that included a wish list of Democratic priorities for the past decade — a child care tax credit, climate legislation, paid family leave and universal prekindergarten, among other provisions.
So far, it looks like the bill was not, to turn the expression on its head, too big to fail. Republicans abandoned him on this, and several Democrats were also skeptics. Then inflation surged, and the plan's chances plummeted.
— By Josh Boak
Melina Mara/The Washington Post via AP, Pool, File
Biden started his presidency with more than $4 trillion worth of big ideas — his eyes larger than what the Senate could stomach.
$1.9 trillion worth of coronavirus relief passed in March, which in many first years in office would have been considered a signature achievement.
But Biden kept asking for more: an additional $2.3 trillion for infrastructure and jobs, and another $1.8 trillion for families.
After some tortuous negotiations, he got a version of his infrastructure plan passed and even got more than a dozen Republicans in the Senate to vote for it.
But attention spans are short. Biden's $1.8 trillion package, which he labeled “Build Back Better,” had elements that included a wish list of Democratic priorities for the past decade — a child care tax credit, climate legislation, paid family leave and universal prekindergarten, among other provisions.
So far, it looks like the bill was not, to turn the expression on its head, too big to fail. Republicans abandoned him on this, and several Democrats were also skeptics. Then inflation surged, and the plan's chances plummeted.
— By Josh Boak
-
AP Photo/Evan Vucci, File
Biden was a senator for nearly four decades, so it’s perhaps no surprise that he brings a legislator's mindset to his presidency.
Known as as adept negotiator from his time in the Senate, Biden still immerses himself in legislative negotiations and is versed in the minutiae of his proposals. He believes in the value of personal connections and face-to-face conversations in negotiating details, frequently calling key senators or having lawmakers meet with him at the White House.
Biden emphasizes the need for bipartisanship, a value he held dear in the Senate. But it's one that, in today's sharply divided Washington, feels out of touch with the moment.
Biden also keeps the schedule of a senator: He's often late to events and likes to get out of town on the weekends, returning home to Delaware.
One major difference? Now he’s riding Air Force One instead of Amtrak.
— By Alexandra Jaffe
AP Photo/Evan Vucci, File
Biden was a senator for nearly four decades, so it’s perhaps no surprise that he brings a legislator's mindset to his presidency.
Known as as adept negotiator from his time in the Senate, Biden still immerses himself in legislative negotiations and is versed in the minutiae of his proposals. He believes in the value of personal connections and face-to-face conversations in negotiating details, frequently calling key senators or having lawmakers meet with him at the White House.
Biden emphasizes the need for bipartisanship, a value he held dear in the Senate. But it's one that, in today's sharply divided Washington, feels out of touch with the moment.
Biden also keeps the schedule of a senator: He's often late to events and likes to get out of town on the weekends, returning home to Delaware.
One major difference? Now he’s riding Air Force One instead of Amtrak.
— By Alexandra Jaffe
-
AP Photo/Susan Walsh, File
Biden inherited a long list of unfulfilled Democratic policy priorities when he took office, but despite his best efforts, most remain so.
Taking office after Trump’s efforts to subvert the will of voters, no issue seemed so urgent for Biden as the push for legislation on voting protections.
Biden’s attempt to break a logjam on the legislation by pushing for the Senate to change its rules to pass bills by a simple majority was quashed before it even really began by two moderate members of his own party.
It was emblematic of how Biden’s central rationale for his presidency — his nearly four decades in Washington uniquely positioned him to deliver on an immensely ambitious agenda — seems increasingly out of step with today’s politics.
Biden bet unsuccessfully that personal relationships, private cajoling and public arm-twisting could overcome years of increasingly bitter partisan divisions and ideological disagreements.
The lack of progress on voting rights, immigration, climate change, gun control and abortion protections remains an unmet burden.
— By Zeke Miller
AP Photo/Susan Walsh, File
Biden inherited a long list of unfulfilled Democratic policy priorities when he took office, but despite his best efforts, most remain so.
Taking office after Trump’s efforts to subvert the will of voters, no issue seemed so urgent for Biden as the push for legislation on voting protections.
Biden’s attempt to break a logjam on the legislation by pushing for the Senate to change its rules to pass bills by a simple majority was quashed before it even really began by two moderate members of his own party.
It was emblematic of how Biden’s central rationale for his presidency — his nearly four decades in Washington uniquely positioned him to deliver on an immensely ambitious agenda — seems increasingly out of step with today’s politics.
Biden bet unsuccessfully that personal relationships, private cajoling and public arm-twisting could overcome years of increasingly bitter partisan divisions and ideological disagreements.
The lack of progress on voting rights, immigration, climate change, gun control and abortion protections remains an unmet burden.
— By Zeke Miller
-
AP Photo/Andrew Harnik, File
Biden came to office trumpeting “America is back,” his shorthand message to allies and adversaries that the days of Trump’s inward-looking “America first” foreign policy were over.
But his approach to the world has also been notable for its determination to avoid some of the missteps of his old boss, Barack Obama.
Biden stood by his pledge to meet an August deadline to end the war in Afghanistan even as military commanders and some political allies urged him to slow down what ended up being a chaotic and bloody U.S. military withdrawal. As vice president, Biden had opposed Obama’s move to surge more U.S. troops into the country. But the exit Biden presided over was widely criticized for its haste and execution, which included U.S. troop casualties.
Biden also came to office with a greater deal of skepticism than Obama — and Trump and George W. Bush for that matter — about Russian President Vladimir Putin. Obama sought to “reset” the U.S.-Russia relationship. By 2014, after a series of earlier disappointments, Obama’s hope for a reset had evaporated when Russia seized the Black Sea peninsula of Crimea from Ukraine.
Biden made it clear early on that his highest hope for the Putin relationship was finding a measure of stability and predictability. With his administration pressing Putin to step back from Russia’s current troop buildup on the Ukraine border, it remains to be seen if Biden’s approach will net better results.
— By Aamer Madhani
AP Photo/Andrew Harnik, File
Biden came to office trumpeting “America is back,” his shorthand message to allies and adversaries that the days of Trump’s inward-looking “America first” foreign policy were over.
But his approach to the world has also been notable for its determination to avoid some of the missteps of his old boss, Barack Obama.
Biden stood by his pledge to meet an August deadline to end the war in Afghanistan even as military commanders and some political allies urged him to slow down what ended up being a chaotic and bloody U.S. military withdrawal. As vice president, Biden had opposed Obama’s move to surge more U.S. troops into the country. But the exit Biden presided over was widely criticized for its haste and execution, which included U.S. troop casualties.
Biden also came to office with a greater deal of skepticism than Obama — and Trump and George W. Bush for that matter — about Russian President Vladimir Putin. Obama sought to “reset” the U.S.-Russia relationship. By 2014, after a series of earlier disappointments, Obama’s hope for a reset had evaporated when Russia seized the Black Sea peninsula of Crimea from Ukraine.
Biden made it clear early on that his highest hope for the Putin relationship was finding a measure of stability and predictability. With his administration pressing Putin to step back from Russia’s current troop buildup on the Ukraine border, it remains to be seen if Biden’s approach will net better results.
— By Aamer Madhani
-
-
AP Photo/Susan Walsh, File
For a man who wanted to get to the White House in the worst way for decades, Biden doesn't seem that enamored with the place.
Over his first year in office, he's spent at least a portion of 99 days in his home state of Delaware, mostly during weekend trips and amounting to more than a fourth of his presidency. It's a short jaunt that requires a massive operation involving security contingents, press pools, helicopters and buses.
As for the White House, Biden calls his accommodations on Pennsylvania Avenue a bit of a “gilded cage in terms of being able to walk outside and do things.”
“I said when I was running, I wanted to be president not to live in the White House but to be able to make the decisions about the future of the country," he said in a CNN interview.
The vice presidential residence in Northwest D.C., which sits on 80 acres (32 hectares), was very different, he said.
“You can walk off a porch in the summer and jump in a pool, and, you know, go into work," he said. "You can ride a bicycle around and never leave the property.”
— By Colleen Long
AP Photo/Susan Walsh, File
For a man who wanted to get to the White House in the worst way for decades, Biden doesn't seem that enamored with the place.
Over his first year in office, he's spent at least a portion of 99 days in his home state of Delaware, mostly during weekend trips and amounting to more than a fourth of his presidency. It's a short jaunt that requires a massive operation involving security contingents, press pools, helicopters and buses.
As for the White House, Biden calls his accommodations on Pennsylvania Avenue a bit of a “gilded cage in terms of being able to walk outside and do things.”
“I said when I was running, I wanted to be president not to live in the White House but to be able to make the decisions about the future of the country," he said in a CNN interview.
The vice presidential residence in Northwest D.C., which sits on 80 acres (32 hectares), was very different, he said.
“You can walk off a porch in the summer and jump in a pool, and, you know, go into work," he said. "You can ride a bicycle around and never leave the property.”
— By Colleen Long
-
AP Photo/Evan Vucci
Biden’s late son, Beau, sometimes seems as much a part of Biden’s presidency as Biden himself.
Biden works references to his son into speeches and other public remarks, and sometimes wears a baseball cap bearing the logo of Beau’s child protection foundation.
Beau was being groomed to follow his father into national politics -- and perhaps one day be president. He was a Delaware attorney general, served in the state’s Army National Guard and advised his father politically.
Brain cancer took him away from his wife and two young children in 2015 at age 46. He’s the second child Biden has buried; a 1972 car wreck killed the president’s first wife and baby daughter.
Biden said during his 2020 presidential campaign that Beau should have been the candidate.
On the eve of his swearing-in, a tearful Biden (pictured) said his “one regret” was that Beau wasn’t alive “because we should be introducing him as president.”
— By Darlene Superville
AP Photo/Evan Vucci
Biden’s late son, Beau, sometimes seems as much a part of Biden’s presidency as Biden himself.
Biden works references to his son into speeches and other public remarks, and sometimes wears a baseball cap bearing the logo of Beau’s child protection foundation.
Beau was being groomed to follow his father into national politics -- and perhaps one day be president. He was a Delaware attorney general, served in the state’s Army National Guard and advised his father politically.
Brain cancer took him away from his wife and two young children in 2015 at age 46. He’s the second child Biden has buried; a 1972 car wreck killed the president’s first wife and baby daughter.
Biden said during his 2020 presidential campaign that Beau should have been the candidate.
On the eve of his swearing-in, a tearful Biden (pictured) said his “one regret” was that Beau wasn’t alive “because we should be introducing him as president.”
— By Darlene Superville
-
AP Photo/Patrick Semansky, File
Obama did not choose Biden because the two were personally close. He chose him because he added some foreign policy heft and experience and could serve as a bridge to Congress.
But over time, the two became personally closer. Obama tasked Biden with being the “sheriff” to oversee how money in the 2009 stimulus bill was spent during the financial crisis. He also assigned him to help fashion a plan to end the war in Iraq.
When Biden was considering a run to succeed Obama in 2016, the president was cool to the idea and his vice president bowed out in favor of Hillary Clinton.
Still, Obama's regard for his vice president was on display at the end of their tenure, when he presented Biden with the Medal of Freedom in an emotional ceremony.
Biden's relationship with Vice President Kamala Harris hasn't been nearly as smooth.
Her role in the job is historic: She's the first woman and first Asian and Black vice president. But she's struggled to find her footing, and Biden hasn't been much of a guide, though the two insist publicly that their relationship is solid.
Biden has assigned Harris some of the administration's most difficult issues, including immigration and voting rights. And while Biden himself served as top cop on the stimulus law, he gave the task of overseeing spending from his $1 trillion infrastructure law instead to a former mayor, Mitch Landrieu of New Orleans, rather than his vice president.
— By Colleen Long
AP Photo/Patrick Semansky, File
Obama did not choose Biden because the two were personally close. He chose him because he added some foreign policy heft and experience and could serve as a bridge to Congress.
But over time, the two became personally closer. Obama tasked Biden with being the “sheriff” to oversee how money in the 2009 stimulus bill was spent during the financial crisis. He also assigned him to help fashion a plan to end the war in Iraq.
When Biden was considering a run to succeed Obama in 2016, the president was cool to the idea and his vice president bowed out in favor of Hillary Clinton.
Still, Obama's regard for his vice president was on display at the end of their tenure, when he presented Biden with the Medal of Freedom in an emotional ceremony.
Biden's relationship with Vice President Kamala Harris hasn't been nearly as smooth.
Her role in the job is historic: She's the first woman and first Asian and Black vice president. But she's struggled to find her footing, and Biden hasn't been much of a guide, though the two insist publicly that their relationship is solid.
Biden has assigned Harris some of the administration's most difficult issues, including immigration and voting rights. And while Biden himself served as top cop on the stimulus law, he gave the task of overseeing spending from his $1 trillion infrastructure law instead to a former mayor, Mitch Landrieu of New Orleans, rather than his vice president.
— By Colleen Long
-
AP Photo/Evan Vucci, File
From infrastructure to COVID-19 response, Biden has hired White House coordinators to marshal the resources of the federal government to implement his policies. In the case of combating climate change, Biden went so far as to put two in place — Gina McCarthy to lead the domestic initiative and former Secretary of State John Kerry to lead it globally.
Biden knows a thing or two about czars: He was one, when he led the implementation of the American Recovery Act for President Barack Obama. But it’s telling that rather than relying on Cabinet secretaries or his own vice president, he’s chosen experienced and often politically connected managers like Gene Sperling, who leads implementation of the COVID-19 relief bill, and Jeff Zients, who runs the government response to the virus.
This reflects not just the Biden White House’s technocratic streak but also the centralization of power within the West Wing.
— By Zeke Miller
AP Photo/Evan Vucci, File
From infrastructure to COVID-19 response, Biden has hired White House coordinators to marshal the resources of the federal government to implement his policies. In the case of combating climate change, Biden went so far as to put two in place — Gina McCarthy to lead the domestic initiative and former Secretary of State John Kerry to lead it globally.
Biden knows a thing or two about czars: He was one, when he led the implementation of the American Recovery Act for President Barack Obama. But it’s telling that rather than relying on Cabinet secretaries or his own vice president, he’s chosen experienced and often politically connected managers like Gene Sperling, who leads implementation of the COVID-19 relief bill, and Jeff Zients, who runs the government response to the virus.
This reflects not just the Biden White House’s technocratic streak but also the centralization of power within the West Wing.
— By Zeke Miller
Biden insists he’s not giving up on his nearly $2 trillion domestic priorities bill, but said Wednesday he hoped “chunks” would pass before the midterms. Slimming down the bill would probably be necessary to win over Democratic holdout Sen. Joe Manchin of West Virginia. But House Speaker Nancy Pelosi said Thursday she didn’t want the legislation to lose its ambitions to address climate change and lower costs for working class families.
“What the president calls ‘chunks’ I’d hope would be a major bill going forward,” she said.
Eric Schultz, a former spokesman for President Barack Obama, said the administration has so far gotten too bogged down in the minutiae of legislative negotiations. He suggested that it course-correct by sending Biden out of Washington to talk more about the specifics of how his agenda has helped average Americans.
“Joe Biden as is at his best when he’s talking directly to the American people about what they care about,” he said.
He also argued that Democrats need to be more forceful in drawing a contrast with Republicans.
“People need to understand that he has their back,” Schultz said. “And the Republicans don’t. And so when he makes that case, it reinforces who in Washington is working for them,.”
Ben LaBolt, another former Obama spokesman, suggested that the legislative difficulties of Biden’s first year had a silver lining: “tempered expectations” for what’s possible, as well as a “sense of urgency” on the part of Democrats to get something done in Congress before the midterms, when they could lose control of either or both chambers.
“The accomplishments of the past year have not fully baked in with the average American yet,” he said. “And it takes time for them to learn about legislation after it passes,” he said.
***